War (78)

Video After The Jump It's a BK thing in the latest video from Maino, "Ask About Brooklyn.". The Hustle Hard CEO teams up with 1/4 of super group Slaughterhouse, Joell Ortiz in this clip, directed by Alisa Lawrcence and Jamal Samuel. The song is off of Maino's 'Art Of War' mixtape which is available now for Free Download. Also be on the lookout for Joell's forthcoming 'Mixtape Of The Year' dropping soon.

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Video After The Jump (CNN) -- U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has condemned the planned burning of Qurans on the anniversary of the 2001 attacks on the United States as criticism mounts from Muslims around the world. Speaking Tuesday at an iftar meal in Washington to celebrate the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, Clinton said she welcomed the concerns. "I am heartened by the clear, unequivocal condemnation of this disrespectful, disgraceful act that has come from American religious leaders of all faiths ... as well as secular U.S. leaders and opinion makers," she said. On Wednesday the U.S. Embassy in Pakistan also condemned the Florida church's plan to burn the Quran, the Muslim holy book, as "disrespectful, intolerant and divisive," in a statement. The statement comes days after the top U.S. military commander in Afghanistan, Gen. David Petraeus, warned that the plan could put U.S. troops' lives at risk. The pastor of the church, Terry Jones, told CNN Tuesday his flock was taking the warning seriously but had not decided to cancel the event, planned for September 11. Jones, pastor of Dove World Outreach Center in Gainesville, Florida, told CNN's "American Morning:"We have firmly made up our mind, but at the same time, we are definitely praying about it." Later Tuesday, Jones had a response to the statement from Petraeus. "The general needs to point his finger to radical Islam and tell them to shut up, tell them to stop, tell them that we will not bow our knees to them," Jones said on CNN's "AC360." "We are burning the book," Jones said. "We are not killing someone. We are not murdering people." The planned action has drawn sharp criticism from Muslims around the world and from U.S. officials. The U.S. Embassy in Kabul, Afghanistan, on Tuesday issued a statement saying the U.S. government "in no way condones such acts of disrespect against the religion of Islam, and is deeply concerned about deliberate attempts to offend members of religious or ethnic groups." It emphasized that it strongly condemned "the offensive messages, which are contrary to U.S. government policy and deeply offensive to Muslims especially during the month of Ramadan." With about 120,000 U.S. and NATO-led troops still battling al Qaeda and its allies in the Islamic fundamentalist Taliban movement, Petraeus warned that burning Qurans "is precisely the kind of action the Taliban uses and could cause significant problems -- not just here, but everywhere in the world we are engaged with the Islamic community." Petraeus said he was concerned about the political repercussions of the church's plan. "Even the rumor that it might take place has sparked demonstrations such as the one that took place in Kabul yesterday," he said. "Were the actual burning to take place, the safety of our soldiers and civilians would be put in jeopardy and accomplishment of the mission would be made more difficult." Thousands of Indonesians gathered outside the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta, Indonesia, on Sunday to protest the planned Quran burning. "The burning is not only an insult to the holy Quran, but an insult to Islam and Muslims around the world," said Muhammad Ismail, a spokesman for the hard-line Indonesian Muslim group Hizb ut-Tahrir. Jones said his congregation was aware that the action was offensive. "We realize that this action would indeed offend people, offend the Muslims. I am offended when they burn the flag. I am offended when they burn the Bible. But we feel that the message that we are trying to send is much more important than people being offended." Jones said Muslims are welcomed in the United States, if they observe the Constitution and don't try to impose Sharia law, or Muslim law. The message, he said, is directed toward the "radical element of Islam." "Our message is very clear," he said. "It is not to the moderate Muslim. Our message is not a message of hate. Our message is a message of warning to the radical element of Islam, and I think what we see right now around the globe provides exactly what we're talking about," he said. The center says it was founded in 1986 as a "total concept church for the rich, the poor, the young and the old." Its purpose is to "stand up for righteousness and for the truth of the Bible." It stresses that "Christians must return to the truth and stop hiding." "We need to speak up against sin and call the people to repentance. Abortion is murder. Homosexuality is sin. We need to call these things what they are and bring the world the true message: that Jesus is the way, the truth, and the life," it says on the church's website. It also emphasizes its dislike of Islam, and on its website, it blog posts an item called "Ten Reasons to Burn a Koran. "Any religion which would profess anything other than this truth is of the devil. This is why we also take a stand against Islam, which teaches that Jesus is not the Son of God, therefore taking away the saving power of Jesus Christ and leading people straight to Hell," the site says. Source: CNN Pastor Terry Jones Telling CNN He Still Plans On Burning "The Book" Angelina Jolie Condemning Qur'an Burning Hilary Clinton Condemning Qur'an Burning
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Fidel Castro has said Osama bin Laden is in the pay of the CIA and was summoned up whenever George W Bush needed to scare the world "Any time Bush would stir up fear and make a big speech, bin Laden would appear threatening people with a story about what he was going to do," Mr Castro said. "Bush never lacked for bin Laden's support. He was a subordinate." Mr Castro made his remarks during a meeting with Lithuanian-born writer Daniel Estulin known for advancing conspiracy theories about world domination. He said documents posted on WikiLeaks.org, the website that released thousands of classified US documents about the war in Afghanistan, "effectively proved he was a CIA agent". However, the former Cuban president - who himself became America's enemy no.1 and survived multiple assassination attempts by the CIA - did not further elaborate.

During the meeting, Mr Estulin told Mr Castro that the real voice of bin Laden was last heard in late 2001, not long after the September 11 attacks. He said the person heard making warnings about terror attacks after that was a "bad actor". Mr Castro did take exception with one of Mr Estulin's major theses - that the human race must move to another habitable planet or face extinction. The 84-year-old revolutionary said it would be better to fix things on Earth then abandon the planet altogether. "Humanity ought to take care of itself if it wants to live thousands more years," Mr Castro told the writer. Mr Castro stepped down due to ill health in 2006 - first temporarily, then permanently - and handed power over to his younger brother Raul. He has remained head of the Cuban Communist party but stayed out of view for four years after falling sick before returning to the spotlight in July. His comments about the al Qeada leader are the latest in a series of provocative statements. Recently he warned that the planet is on the brink of nuclear war. Mr Castro even predicted the threat of global conflict would mean that the final rounds of the World Cup would be cancelled last month. He later apologised for jumping the gun. Source: SkyNews twitter-5d.gif
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Independent Album: The War Report 2

Headliners: Capone-N-Noreaga

Key Collaborations: "Bodega Stories" (featuring the LOX); "With Me" (featuring Nas); and "The Corner" (featuring Avery Storm)

Essential Info: N.O.R.E. says he's grown volumes since his debut, 1997's The War Report, but he couldn't stray too far from his roots on the sequel, released Tuesday (July 13).

"We ain't make something for the radio and we didn't make something for the clubs. We just really made something for the streets," Nore explained to Mixtape Daily.

"Originally, when we made The War Report, I didn't know that Manhattan existed. I didn't know that there was a Brazil. I never been to a Brazil when I made War Report. I might have never been to Brooklyn — I was Queens-ed out! Every verse I wrote, when I wrote for War Report, it was for my 'hood or for Queens. It really was for nothing else, because I never saw nothing else. That's why when you hear that [first album], you be like, 'This dude needs to travel.' It's like, wow, 'Lefrak, Lefrak, Iraq' all over it.

"You can't knock me because I never went anywhere," Nore continued. "The worst people in the 'hood are the people who never go anywhere. Those are the most miserable people because they don't plan on never going nowhere. That's who that kid was [on that album]. That kid you hear spitting on The War Report, he never went nowhere. The furthest he went was to Jamaica — and I mean Queens, not the island. I wasn't crossing these bridges."

While making the new LP, Nore was cognizant that he couldn't be the same rough-around-the-edges teenager again.

"So when I went back and did it this time, I said, 'I have to be cautious. I can't act like that. I done seen the world,' " he remembered.

Asked which War Report 2 cuts he holds in the highest regard, N.O. started with the album's lead record.

"My favorite joint is 'Pain' and 'Brother From Another,' " the LeFrak, Queens, veteran said. " 'Pain' is just like, you know when you get on the Scream Machine [at Six Flags Great Adventure], and there's a certain feel you get in your stomach, 'cause you know, for guys, our ba--s come up. Your ba--s twitter. When I hear 'Pain,' that's that feeling I get over there. It's a certain feeling like, 'Holy sh--. It's about to drop.' "

"Nah, 'Pain' is ill," Nore's partner for 20 years, Capone, offers up. "The first time I heard 'Pain,' I got goose bumps. That song, if you close your eyes and turn off all the lights, you might get scared listening to that joint. We got a joint called 'The Oath.' When you think of an oath, you think of pricked fingers. When you hear this record, you gonna definitely feel like you took an oath. Like you down with us, like you took an oath to be down with C-N-N."

" 'My Attribute' is a great performance record. It's uptempo, has energy. 'Hood Pride' will be a great performance record," Nore added.

With the release of War Report 2, the friendship between these two Queens natives comes full circle. Their bond stood the test of time, and the duo still has many years ahead of them.

"For me, it's like Nore said, our friendship is always gonna get tested," 'Pone explained. "Everybody knows at one point, our friendship got tested. That was publicly noticeable. But we came back stronger. A lot of people, their friendship gets tested. ... When you have a brother and you get older, y'all not always gonna live together for the rest of your life: You move out the house, he goes one way, you go the other way. But y'all still brothers."




Source: MTV

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The 2nd music video off of the Repo Men's (Ransom, Bravo, and Paul Cain) upcoming self titled release narrated by DJ E Stacks (Shadyville) and DJ Head Debiase (The Aphiliates) Directed By JStar Multi-Media. @201Ransom @BKBravo1 @PaulCainSF @DJEStacks @DJHeadDebiase
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The 2nd music video off of the Repo Men's (Ransom, Bravo, and Paul Cain) upcoming self titled release narrated by DJ E Stacks (Shadyville) and DJ Head Debiase (The Aphiliates) Directed By JStar Multi-Media. @201Ransom @BKBravo1 @PaulCainSF @DJEStacks @DJHeadDebiase
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Videos After The Jump CUERNAVACA, Mexico - Two hundred Mexican Navy marines stormed an upscale apartment complex and killed a reputed drug cartel chief in a two-hour gunbattle, one of the biggest victories yet in President Felipe Calderon's drug war. Arturo Beltran Leyva, the "boss of bosses," and six members of his cartel died in the shootout Wednesday in Cuernavaca, just south of Mexico City, according to a navy statement Thursday. The body of one cartel member was found on the ground outside the third-floor apartment, after he apparently committed suicide during the shootout. Cartel gunmen hurled grenades that killed one marine and wounded two others, one of whom is in serious condition, the navy said. Two women and one man were detained during the raid, and five assault weapons were seized. An Associated Press reporter at the scene heard at least 10 explosions during the firefight, which residents said lasted at least 90 minutes. Witnesses said the raid began when marines rappelled down ropes onto the roofs of some of the apartment buildings at dusk. Reporters were briefly allowed inside the apartment where Beltran Leyva's body still lay early Thursday; his skull and one arm were mangled by bullet wounds, and in one hand he clutched a large gold-colored medallion.

Arturo Beltran Leyva "First they were asked to surrender, but they didn't yield and they opened fire," said one of the ski-masked marines who participated in the raid, and who was not authorized to give his name. President Felipe Calderon, speaking from the Copenhagen climate summit, said "this action represents an important achievement for the government and people of Mexico, and a resounding blow against one of the most dangerous criminal organizations in Mexico, and on the continent." Calderon described Beltran Leyva as "one of the three most-wanted" drug suspects in Mexico. By most estimates, the other two — both still at large — are Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman and Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada.

Mexican soldiers escort an unidentified man during his presentation to the press in Mexico City, Thursday, Dec. 17, 2009. The suspect was arrested during an operation Wednesday in Cuernavaca, Mexico where, according to navy officials, drug cartel chief Arturo Beltran Leyva and three members of his cartel were slain in the shootout with sailors. (AP Photo/Miguel Tovar) Evacuations before attack Residents of the apartment complex said the raid appeared carefully planned. Sailors went door-to-door before the gun battle to quietly evacuate residents to the gym. Beltran Leyva is the highest-ranking figure taken down under Calderon, who has deployed more than 45,000 troops across Mexico to crush the cartels since taking office in December 2006. Mexico's navy often has been used in the battle as well. The offensive has earned Calderon praise from Washington even as 14,000 people have been killed in a wave of drug-related violence. Beltran Leyva had narrowly escaped attempts to arrest him in recent months, including a Friday raid on an alleged drug cartel holiday party at a mansion in the town of Tepotzlan, near Cuernavaca, where authorities killed three alleged Beltran Leyva cartel members and detained 11. They also detained Ramon Ayala, a Texas-based norteno singer whose band was playing at the party, on suspicion of ties to organized crime. His lawyer, Adolfo Vega, denied Ayala had ties to the Beltran Leyva gang, saying the singer didn't know his clients were drug traffickers. The last time Mexican authorities killed a major drug lord was in 2002, when Ramon Arellano Felix of the Tijuana Cartel was shot by a police officer in the Sinaloa resort of Mazatlan.

One of five brothers Beltran Leyva was one of five brothers from the Pacific coast state of Sinaloa who once worked side by side with Guzman, the leader of the Sinaloa Cartel. The brothers split with Guzman several years ago and aligned themselves with Los Zetas, a group of former soldiers hired by the rival Gulf Cartel as hit men. The split is believed to have fueled much of Mexico's bloodshed of recent years. One of the brothers, Alfredo Beltran Leyva, was arrested in January 2008. The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration says the Beltran Leyva cartel has smuggled tons of cocaine into the United States, as well as large quantities of heroin. The Mexican government had offered a $2.1 million reward for Beltran Leyva's capture. U.S. officials say the Beltran Leyva Cartel has carried out heinous killings, including numerous beheadings of rival traffickers or kidnappers invading what the gang considered its turf. The gang also has had great success in buying off public officials, including employees of the federal police and prosecutors, to protect their business and get tips on planned military raids. Beheadings U.S. officials say the Beltran Leyva Cartel has carried out heinous killings, including numerous beheadings. The gang also has had great success in buying off public officials, police and others to protect their business and get tips on planned military raids. The U.S government added Beltran Leyva and his cartel to the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act last year, a movement that denied him access to the U.S. financial system. The state of Morelos, where Cuernavaca is located, and neighboring Guerrero have seen a spike in violence in recent months, with dozens of people killed. Some of the mutilated bodies have appeared with pieces of paper signed "Boss of Bosses," Beltran Leyva's nickname.

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Ok here's a quick breakdown of how this beef started. Floyd Mayweather Jr signed Freck Billionaire to his record label,Philthy Rich Records.However,not long after that Floyd was sued by another record company "Just For You Entertainment"who claimed that Freck was already under contract to them.Floyd blames Freck,saying Freck should have known he was already under contract to another label.Floyd has since asked for a watch back from Freck he says was part of a signing bonus. Freck disagrees and claims the watch was a gift from Floyd.That pretty much sums it up. Oh yeah and somewhere along the way Rick Ross got involved so this beef could escalate because Mayweather is close friends with 50 Cent Download Here
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TimesOnline Reports A powerful Mexican drug cartel has unleashed a killing spree against the authorities in a challenge to the leadership of the President in his home state. The bodies of a dozen federal anti-drug agents were found on a mountain highway in Michoacán, the home state of Felipe Calderón, on Monday. The killing of the agents was the worst loss of life in a single attack since President Calderón took office in 2006, taking the war between the narcotics gangs and the Government into uncharted territory. Their murders were the boldest of at least ten reprisal attacks since Arnoldo Rueda Medina, nicknamed La Minsa, was arrested on Saturday. He is reputedly the second-in-command of La Familia cartel in Michoacán. The surge in violence marks a potential shift in Mexico’s drug wars, which have claimed 11,000 lives during the presidency of Mr Calderón, who ordered the army to intervene. Ciro Gomez Leyva, a columnist for the newspaper Milenio, described the killings as a Mexican version of the Tet offensive in Vietnam in 1968. “In the war against the narcos, Saturday, July 11, seems like a kind of Tet offensive, the synchronised action by South Vietnamese guerrillas and the North Vietnamese Army against US troops at the end of January 1968 that, despite being characterised as a military disaster, created the perception that the otherwise invincible US Army would never win in Vietnam,” he wrote. The perception that the war against drugs is being lost is pervasive. A poll published in Milenio said that only 28 per cent of Mexicans believed that the Government was winning, and more than half thought that it was losing. Mr Calderón said: “The criminals will not be able to intimidate the federal Government. In this battle we will not give up, we will not hesitate, because what is at stake is Mexico’s peace and safety.” Michoacán, on the Pacific coast, has become a battleground because it controls routes into the United States. It is also one of Mexico’s main producers of marijuana, opium poppies and synthetic drugs. Mr Rueda was arrested in the Michoacán capital, Morelia. He is allegedly the right-hand-man to the reputed boss, Nazario Moreno Gonzalez, known as El Mas Loco, or the Craziest One. Within hours of the arrest, gunmen from La Familia, armed with rifles and grenades, ambushed federal forces in seven cities. Some of the attacks took place near tourist sites such as the arts-and-crafts centre of Patzcuaro and Zitacuaro, which is famous for its monarch butterflies. In the most brutal attack, eleven men and one woman agent were abducted while off duty. Their bodies were found stacked on the highway with death threats that read: “La Familia, join its ranks or leave” and “Let’s see if you try to arrest another one”. La Familia has penetrated the power structure, allegedly obtaining protection from police and politicians. Seven mayors, one former mayor and a state prosecutor are being held after a federal police sweep of allegedly corrupt politicians in May. An arrest warrant has been issued for Julio Godoy, the half brother of a state Governor. Mr Godoy was elected to Congress last week as a member of the Democratic Revolution Party. Analysts said that the killings were not necessarily a sign of the cartel’s strength, but were an escalation of the battle to contain them. “This marks an important change in the drug war in that they are attacking federal forces directly,” Jorge Chabat, a drug expert, said. “It also suggests the capture of this person has affected the operations of the cartel. It was a major blow and this is a reaction out of weakness, not strength.” In separate Mexican drug violence, six gunmen were killed on Tuesday in the northern city of Monterrey. Gunmen killed the mayor of Namiquipa in Coahuila and four police officers were kidnapped in Piedras Negras. In Tabasco state on the Gulf coast, prosecutors charged five alleged Gulf cartel hitmen with allegedly killing two policemen and eighteen of their relatives in February and May. A drugs trade worth billions and severed heads on the dance floor • Every year Mexican cartels smuggle illegal drugs worth about $40 billion (£24 billion) into the United States, the world’s biggest market for narcotics. Mexico is a major source of heroin, methamphetamine and marijuana — and a key transit country for the vast amounts of cocaine that are transported over the border • In 2008, 6,000 people died in drug violence in Mexico, according to President Calderón — almost double the 3,042 deaths that were recorded in 2007 • About 95 per cent of the killings were carried out using firearms from the US. Most of the drug violence takes place in a few cities near the US border, with drugs and people being trafficked to the north, and weapons to the south • In December 2006, Mr Calderón announced the deployment of 36,000 troops to work with the federal police to fight the drug trade in nine states. The police are widely accused of corruption • 53 per cent of Mexicans think the Government is losing the war with the drug cartels, according to a 2008 poll in a Mexican newspaper • La Familia cartel achieved notoriety in 2006 when a member walked into a bar and threw five severed heads on to the dance floor Sources: Reuters, Council on Foreign Relations
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El Chapo: The Most Wanted Man in Mexico!

The guards at the city club mall in downtown Culiacán refused to talk about the bullet holes in the parking lot. Or about the cross stuck into the pavement, inscribed with three pairs of initials and a melancholy tribute in Spanish: WE WILL LOVE YOU ALWAYS. But almost anyone in this city of 1 million could tell you what happened here a little before 9 p.m. on May 8, 2008: how three men climbed unawares into their white SUV after shopping at the mall; how three other cars zoomed up then unleashed a fusillade of AK-47 gunfire and a single blast from a bazooka. All three men were killed, two of them body-guards for the third, a hulking 22-year-old named Edgar Beltrán Guzman—the son of Joaquín Guzman Loera, better known as El Chapo ("Shorty"), the most wanted man in Mexico. Culiacán is the bare-knuckle state capital of Sinaloa, laid out between the Pacific Ocean and the Sierra Madre mountains, about 350 miles northwest of Mexico City. I'd come here, as journalists do, in search of El Chapo. If I hung around long enough, I'd been told, I might catch him at one of his famous restaurant drop-bys. (His bodyguards sweep the room, confiscating all mobile phones before his dramatic entrance; he picks up everyone's tab afterward.) But when I arrived in town in early April, El Chapo hadn't been seen in public since his son's murder. He'd gone underground, thanks in part to President Felipe Calderón's all-out war on the drug cartels—2,500 troops were now based in Culiacán and carrying out daily raids—but also because of a bloody feud with a former close ally and boyhood friend, Alfredo Beltrán Leyva, nicknamed Mochomo ("Redhead"). Earlier this month a shootout between Mexican police and Mochomo's gang left 18 people dead in Acapulco. The same gang allegedly killed El Chapo's son—revenge, it's said, after El Chapo betrayed Mochomo to federal authorities. (Javier Valdez, an investigative reporter who looked into Mochomo's arrest for the respected local newsweekly Rio Doce, believes that the federales talked Guzman into giving up his onetime ally. "The government was saying, 'We need somebody, we want somebody,' so to lower the pressure, El Chapo turned in Mochomo," he says.) In revenge, hundreds of narcotraficantes in Culiacán were killed. Victims were found shot dead in parked cars, decapitated, burned, rolled up in bloody blankets and dumped on the roadside. The satirical monthly La Locha ran a helpful glossary of drug-related terminology, including encobijado (a body wrapped up a blanket), ladrillo (a kilo brick of cocaine) and encajuelado (a corpse stuffed in a trunk). Matters got so bad that at the end of last year, a state official reportedly trekked up to a ranch in Durango state, deep in the eastern Sierra Madre, and got the jefe and Mochomo's men to agree to a truce. (Government officials acknowledge a peace deal but deny any role in it.) Guzman was said to have gone to ground, holed up at one of his tightly guarded haciendas in the mountains. The Sierra is "wild country, the natural place for El Chapo," says Ismael Bojórquez Perea, the editor of Rio Doce. "He feels good and secure up there." Culiacán's economy has since gone into a tailspin. Nightclubs, discos and restaurants that had catered to the narcos shut down. The downtown street where chirrines—Mexican horn-and-string bands—once waited to be hired for spontaneous fiestas were dark and deserted. Nobody, I was told, felt much like celebrating. And nobody wanted to talk about El Chapo. Nobody, that is, except a man I'll call Enrique. My translator and I picked up Enrique on my third morning near Culiacán's central market, in front of a fleabag hotel known to be a haunt for narcos. Enrique had agreed to take me into the foothills to follow El Chapo's trail and perhaps arrange an interview. Middle-aged, with the rangy build, bronzed complexion and callused hands of a man used to hard labor in the hot sun, Enrique had been acquainted with El Chapo for years and, he said, had just spent several weeks with him on the coast near Acapulco. Enrique tells the truth, according to my translator, who has known him for a couple of years. I checked out as much of his story as possible, and it all holds up. He begged me not to reveal too much about his identity, and he didn't have to explain why. On a torpid April morning, with En-rique in the back seat, we set out on a two-lane highway east through the Culiacán Valley. The road climbed through bush-covered hills speckled with saguaro cactuses. As we switchbacked into the Sierra, with a hot wind blasting through the windows, Enrique fished his cell phone from his jeans pocket and showed us what he claimed were photos from his recent trip with El Chapo. They showed a half-finished ranch house with concrete pillars and a wooden slat roof, standing alone in a jungle clearing near a beach. Poppies, bursting with red flowers, covered the green slopes. El Chapo had gone there with 45 men to oversee the arrival of a major cocaine delivery from Colombia, destined for the United States. "El Chapo likes to receive the shipments himself," said Enrique, who grew up in the same remote mountain region of Sinaloa as the drug lord. While waiting for the goods, El Chapo got some disturbing news. First soldiers and federal police in Mexico City arrested the 33-year-old son of his longtime business partner Ismael (El Mayo) Zambada García. Then Vincente Carrillo Leyva, son of the Juárez cartel's late leader, Amado Carrillo, was captured during his regular morning run in the capital. The arrests made El Chapo nervous, said Enrique: "He said, 'Those kids were too exposed, living in the city. I would never put myself in their position'." We pulled into Tamazula, a mountain village dominated by a 16th-century Jesuit-built church, an airstrip and an Army camp. El Chapo used to sponsor fiestas in the town plaza, but that was before Calderón flooded the area with troops, Enrique said: "He doesn't feel comfortable here anymore." From this point, steep dirt trails wound through mountains and canyons, navigable only by all-terrain vehicles known here as quatromotos. Guzman's lairs lay about four hours farther east, through a zone that Enrique, after conferring with friends in Tamazula, decided was too dangerous for a gringo to enter. With the federal govern-ment stepping up its hunt for El Chapo, his guards were being extra-vigilant about unfamiliar faces. "It's unsafe to go any further," Enrique declared finally. "Up there is all El Chapo country." Some would say all of Mexico is El Chapo country. In many respects, Guzman's rise parallels that of Pablo Escobar, who ran Colombia's notorious Medellín cartel before his 1993 death in a hail of bullets. Both were born into poverty and fought their way to the top of the global drug trade. Both made Forbes's list of the world's richest people—Escobar reached No. 7 in 1989, and El Chapo appeared at No. 701 this year. (The magazine estimated El Chapo's personal fortune at $1.1 billion and his cartel's annual revenues at $7.8 billion.) Both men challenged the legitimacy of the state by putting thousands of policemen, soldiers, judges and politicians on their payrolls. Both built grand legends around themselves, beginning with escapes from maximum-security jails. And they cast themselves as high-living Robin Hoods, sharing the proceeds of their crimes with the poor. "The [kids] admire El Chapo because he has women, money, cars, weapons and power," says Josefina de Jesús García Ruiz, secretary of public security in Sinaloa, echoing what was said of Escobar in his heyday. "The average kid in this state sees him as a role model."?Escobar's spectacular attacks—including the bombings of an Avianca passenger jet and a Bogotá office building—were his undoing: they shamed Colombia's government into calling in U.S. Special Operations forces to help hunt him down. Is El Chapo destined for a similar fate? "He's a slap in the face" to the Mexican state, says Ralph Reyes, chief of the DEA's Mexico and Central America section, based in Washington. "He escaped from jail, he's on the Forbes list, he's getting all this notoriety. This type of publicity is counterproductive [to him]." Calderón has made the arrest of El Chapo and other top drug figures a priority; he has dispatched 45,000 federal troops and police officers to towns and cities controlled by the cartels, started to clean up the police and judiciary and arrested high-ranking members of his own government, including a former assistant attorney general suspected of feeding intelligence to El Chapo's Pacific cartel. In April President Barack Obama announced a $700 million antinarcotics aid package to Mexico that includes new attack helicopters for the Army, advanced telecommunications equipment, night-vision goggles, body armor and other combat gear. The government's net has recently ensnared some of Mexico's biggest traffickers, including Mochomo and Gregorio Sauceda Gamboa, a founder of the Zetas, a group of renegade former soldiers hired as a paramilitary force by the Gulf cartel, El Chapo's principal rival. Guzman is currently at war with every other major cartel in Mexico. Some observers say it's because he keeps trying to expand his territory; U.S. officials insist it's because of Calderón's war. "The government has routed these cartels out of their areas of protection. They've moved them into areas where they're not secure and forced them to overlap with rival gangs," says one U.S. official in Mexico City who assists in drug-interdiction efforts and who asked for anonymity for security reasons. In Tijuana, 500 people have died in the past year in government-vs.-cartel confrontations and in the battle between the Pacific cartel and the Tijuana cartel, controlled by remnants of the Arellano-Félix family, for control of the lucrative smuggling route. All told, drug violence in Mexico last year killed 6,290 people. The carnage has been cited as evidence that Mexico is spiraling into chaos. But those waging war on the cartels say the bloodshed means that the wrongdoers are finally being confronted directly, as in Iraq, where more U.S. troops died in the first months of the surge than at any other time in the war. The cartels, says the DEA's Reyes, have been "accustomed to operating with total power and impunity." Now Calderón's push has forced them to delay cocaine shipments from Colombia for weeks. They're "having trouble not only getting drugs from Mexico into the United States but drugs into Mexico," says Reyes. The kingpins can partly blame their own hubris: they became too big, too violent, too powerful for the government to ignore. "All of these cartels start with a 'no harm' approach, saying, 'I'm just another businessman.' But ultimately, there is a tipping point that makes them a target," says Mauricio Cárdenas, a former Colombian minister and now a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington. Michael Shifter, an analyst at the Inter-American Dialogue center in Washington, argues, "As long as cartels are just killing each other and not putting into jeopardy the country's security, [it's tolerable]. But this was getting out of control." One Mexi-can intelligence official told me he's "confident" that El Chapo will be captured within the next year. "El Chapo is quite concerned, and he has a need to be concerned," says the U.S. official in Mexico City. Reyes believes that Guzman "is up against a lot. It's the most pressure he has ever faced." Over the years, Guzman has made his cartel a vital part of Culiacán's economy, buying up condominiums, restaurants, discotheques, a milk factory and other properties while keeping many other enterprises flush with cash. "Ninety percent of the businesses here are tied to the narcos," I was told by one 33-year-old woman who works for an organization that helps drug addicts, as we cruised the city. Young men in standard narco garb—rhinestone-studded black T shirt, ostrich-leather boots, black shoulder bag likely stuffed with weapons and U.S. dollars, two cell phones strapped to the belt—swaggered along downtown streets. We stopped at a roadside shrine to Malverde—a 19th-century bandit who has become a patron saint to the narcos—and examined handwritten messages from traffickers asking his protection before smuggling cocaine across the U.S. border. El Chapo was born about 60 miles from Culiacán in the mountain village of Las Tunas, in the heart of Mexico's Golden Triangle. (The name refers to the mountainous region that covers parts of three states: Chihuahua, Durango and Sinaloa.) Like nearly every other local campesino, his parents scratched out a living by cultivating marijuana and poppies on hillside plots. It was a world of casual violence. "The [sons] start killing chickens as farm boys, and they finish by killing people," says Bojórquez. The boy was a troublemaker who, like Escobar, fell into petty crime. In his 20s he reached out to the powerful Guadalajara cartel, then run by Miguel (El Padrino) Félix Gallardo, and was made a lieutenant in the organization. Unschooled but a natural administrator, Guzman was soon supervising the movement of tons of cocaine and marijuana each month across a network of rural airstrips inside Mexico. After Gallardo was captured and extradited to the United States in 1989, Guzman started his own organization, known as the Federación, with a tight circle of associates who had grown up together in the hills. These men included the Beltrán Leyva brothers (Arturo, Alfredo and Car-los) and Ismael (El Mayo) Zambada García. Their timing was perfect. U.S. and Co-lombian authorities had begun to roll back the major Colombian drug traffickers. Pablo Escobar had been driven into hiding and the Medellín and Cali cartels were fragmented, on the defensive. The major cocaine-trafficking routes through the Caribbean had dried up, thanks to better patrolling by the U.S. authorities. In a tectonic shift, the Colombians were relegated to the role of suppliers while the Mexican cartels, including El Chapo's, seized control of transport routes and distribution. Guzman pioneered new ways of smuggling cocaine into the United States, sometimes using tunnels, sometimes secreting it in dolls, fire extinguishers and cans of jalapeños and trucking them across the border. El Chapo's rising profile had a cost. Rivals trying to assassinate him in May 1993 killed the archbishop of Guadalajara instead; a few days later El Chapo was arrested near the Mexican border in Guatemala—some say because an embarrassed Mexican government had pressured the drug baron's Guatemalan Army protectors to hand him over. For six years, El Chapo lived in comfortable captivity at Puente Grande prison in Guadalajara, reputed to be the nation's most escape-proof penitentiary. He enjoyed a private room, regular deliveries of whisky, the services of a mistress and, reportedly, weekend furloughs. Then, in January 2001, shortly before he was to be extradited to the United States to face a 50-year sentence for murder and drug trafficking, El Chapo managed to walk through a dozen remote-controlled doors and sneak out of the prison in a burlap sack hidden in the back of a laundry truck. The prison got a new nickname: La Puerta Grande—"The Big Door." Enrique first encountered El Chapo shortly after the jailbreak, at a fiesta the drug lord threw in Tamazula. As Enrique remembers it, guards on El Chapo's payroll set up a security perimeter of 200 quatromotos; then a private plane carrying Los Canelos de Durango, a popular narcocorrido band that often travels with the drug lord, landed at the Tamazula airstrip. Enrique, who had been hired to assist in the fiesta preparations, looked up from his work to see "El Chapo standing there, with a glass of whisky in his hand. He was a short man, with a warm smile. He is very simpatico." Over the next few years Enrique crossed paths with him several times, always addressing the drug lord as Viejon (Old Man) and Tío (Uncle) but never by his nickname. "Everybody loves and respects him," says Enrique. After heavy rains last year destroyed much of the Golden Triangle's crop, he says, El Chapo distributed 1 million pesos' worth of supplies (about $85,000) to the campesinos. And at Christmas, he bought 100 all-terrain vehicles for the locals, at $7,500 apiece. Los Canelos wrote him a theme song, praising him as a "friend of good friends/enemy of enemies?.?.?.?the Lord of the Mountain." Several times a week now, Mexico's National Security Council meets in a tightly guarded location in Mexico City, to discuss strategies for bringing in Mexico's most wanted man. One possibility being considered is a massive frontal assault on one of El Chapo's ranches. Army helicopters now conduct regular surveillance flights over the rugged terrain, and infantry troops sweep through the hills periodically on poppy- and marijuana-eradication missions. But officials worry that any attempt to take El Chapo by force will be bloody. "The criminals in many cases are far better organized and better armed than the soldiers and police," says one Mexican intelligence official who is not authorized to speak with the press. El Chapo reportedly surrounds himself with two layers of security, an inner circle of weapons experts and an outer "wall" equipped with ATVs and advanced communications equipment. The dangers of mounting an operation in the heart of El Chapo's territory became clear in April. The archbishop of Durango, Héctor González Martínez, announced at a press conference that Guzman was living in a ranch just outside the village of Guanaceví, in a near-roadless canyon about 120 miles northeast of Culiacán. "Everybody knows it except the authorities," the archbishop said. Days later, two undercover federal agents were found shot to death on the outskirts of Guanaceví. The eyes of one of the two had been gouged out; the other's hands and feet had been cut off. A message was left with their corpses: "Nobody, neither the government nor priests, will ever defeat El Chapo." The best chance the government has, sources say, is to catch El Chapo unawares during a visit to a city like Culiacán. Indeed, during the past year, every major narco-fugitive who has been captured has been arrested in a major urban area. Over the past few months, the Mexican government has increased its intelligence-gathering operations in the Sinaloan capital, bypassing state officials and state and local police. "You cannot coordinate with the state government. These guys have been protecting Guzman," says Manuel Clouthier Carrillo, leader of the main opposition party in Sinaloa, the Institutional Revolution Party (PRI). Ricardo Roha, chief assistant to Sinaloa's governor, confirms that the state government has been left out of the loop. "They don't tell us what is going on," he says. As he sits in his redoubt deep in the Sierra Madre, El Chapo cannot feel entirely safe. Despite his lack of schooling, drug experts in Mexico say he's a keen observer of history: he knows that drug barons tend not to retire peacefully. Amado Carrillo Fuentes, the "Lord of the Skies" and leader of the Juárez cartel, who ran a huge fleet of planes that carried cocaine across Mexico, died at 41 in 1997 of a lethal mix of anesthetics following an attempt to alter his facial appearance; some believe he was murdered. Of the seven Arellano-Félix brothers who once controlled the Tijuana cartel, four are in prison and one was shot dead by Mexican police. (A sixth was captured and spent a decade in a Mexican prison before being extradited to the United States, where he was released after a year behind bars.) El Chapo's blood feud with Mochomo, the Zetas and other competitors has left him more isolated than ever, limited his mobility and raised the chances that someone, somewhere, will betray him. "This guy is at war with three enemies—the United States, the Mexican government and the fellow cartels. It's Pablo Escobar all over again," says Reyes. What might come after El Chapo? In Colombia, the decline of the Cali and Medellín cartels left the business atomized; cocaine production passed into the hands of a handful of mini-cartels, leftist guerrillas and right-wing paramilitaries. Lacking the big syndicates' international reach, they were forced to cede power to the Mexicans. If El Chapo and the other Mexican king-pins are killed or captured, analysts say control could become fragmented again—with some of the business taken over by small Mexican groups and by cartels in weaker Central American states. "The Mexican government has oil revenues, a tax system, a state apparatus [to fight the cartels]. Guatemala doesn't," says Mauricio Cárdenas of Brookings. Michael Shifter agrees: "The Central Americans are not exactly wishing for success in Mexico, because it pushes the problem to them." Soon they may have their own El Chapo to chase. Source : Newsweek
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Polow Da Don and Timbaland were so excited about the project, they almost gave Fif tracks. But production from those two will more than likely pop up on Before I Self Destruct, due in September. The G-Unit General is warming the scene up before summer officially hits, dropping his new mixtape before the official product. If you're curious about the title, know that it's not about a beef with one person in particular — this war angel is fed up with the watered-down music in hip-hop right now. It's not what he adored growing up as a fan. "What I fell in love with initially ain't even in the mutha----in' art form anymore. It's cool because there's an opportunity for me to become [that] to a whole new generation ... because of their age group, they're not aware of it. "Now I gotta shift the energy," 50 added. "I gotta make them follow me. After they follow me, they'll be able to make real hip-hop records and make them successful. I have to have a successful project with really good hip-hop music to make these people go, 'OK, we can make [a real hip-hop album].' I have to be successful to make the record companies go, 'We can support this guy that wrote a rap album' instead of feeling like 'We need him to go on this record with Ne-Yo or Dream. Get somebody on there to do the hook.' That's the concept of what they feel they can present to the public and that's not what the f--- I was going on when I started." 50 is debuting the entire mixtape Tuesday (June 16) on Hot 97 with Funkmaster Flex then posting it on his ThisIs50 that night for free download. The Queens MC is also hiring new video directors — a different one for each clip — to come up with visuals for the mixtape. "When I start writing music to my core, I'm talking about the way I came up, the way I was raised," he explained. "That's easy to me. Tell me to make a commercial pop record, a commercial hit record and that's more difficult to me than to create concepts that people are excited about where I'm from." After War Angel, 50 says to look for Sincerely Southside, on which he'll be rapping over some '90s R&B hits, as well as a full G-Unit mixtape prior to the release of Before I Self Destruct. "I write at a rapid pace," he said. "I have binges. There's points I'll be in the studio ... I've met moments when I'm there and unmotivated by production. Just there and unexcited about the whole sh--. Then there's times when every beat that comes on, I have an idea." Source: MTVNEWS
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50 Cent Ready To Go To War !!

We were prepping a real ill Behind the Beats to land Friday morning, but everything got put on pause when 50 Cent decided to phone in. The G-Unit General is putting out a project of all-new material called War Angel LP on Tuesday via ThisIs50.com. He says it's more like a street album than a mixtape. Fif -- who's in L.A. right now recording Before I Self Destruct with Timbaland and Polow Da Don — said he's throwing heat rocks all summer long, then dropping his official LP in September (dare we dream he drops the same day as Jay?). "I'm feenin' to get on the street, you already know what time it is," he said via cell. The tagline for the project is "Prepare for Total Destruction." "You know what it is, it's a conflict," Fif described. "The exact opposite. I didn't want to write Angel Demon. It's not the contrast between good and bad. But ... if someone's at war, I'm sure they're saying their prayers. They believe they have angels around them. What would you call an angel around a soldier at war?" A War Angel, of course. "That's why I titled it that," he added. "Creatively, this is not even a mixtape. That's why I put LP next to it. ... My core audience will understand it immediately, and it's written specifically for that." With such a potent title, some people are obviously expecting him to go at his last known enemy: Rick Ross. Fif said that's not the case. He's done with the Miami MC. "You're gonna see," he promised, before explaining why the beef with Ross is over. "I think if you don't identify when you've won a race, you'll continue to run victory laps until you've exhausted yourself. There's nothing else to win in the Rick Ross situation. There's nothing else to do to that guy from my perspective." So who will 50 be firing missiles at? "It's not a specific target, a specific person, I'm writing about," he clarified. "When you hear it, out of all the material I put on the street, you're gonna say that's the best body of work I put out in the mixtape circuit, period. The way the mood of music is right now, when they hear what this is, they'll say, 'That's what we needed.' " More 50 Cent underground releases will follow in just a few short weeks. "I have two other tapes to follow it," he revealed. "Fourth of July, Sincerely Southside Part 2 coming out with mostly '90s music on it. Timeless music, classic hit records. Then, after that, there's a G-Unit mixtape. It's actually untitled. I'll be finished with it in the next day or so." The War Angel LP track list, according to 50 Cent: 1. "I Line N---as" 2. "Talking in Codes" 3. "OK, Alright" 4. "Redrum (Murder)" 5. "Cream 2009" 6. "I'll Do Anything" 7. "London Girl" 8. "AK" 9. "Get the Message" 10. "I Gotta Win"
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